Statism (ideology)

 


 

[1840]  Alexis de Tocqueville,  De la Démocratie en Amérique, vol. II, Flammarion, Paris, 1981

-  "La plupart estiment que le gouvernement agit mal; mais tous pensent que le gouvernement doit sans cesse agir et mettre à tout la main. Ceux mêmes qui se font le plus rudement la guerre ne laissent pas de s'accorder sur ce point. L'unité, l'ubiquité, l'omnipotence du pouvoir social, l'uniformité de ses règles, forment le trait saillant qui caractérise tous les systèmes politiques enfantées de nos jours." (p. 357)

-  "Tous conçoivent le gouvernement sous l'image d'un pouvoir unique, simple, providentiel et créateur." (p. 358)

 

[1935]  Albert Jay Nock,  Our Enemy, the State, Hallberg Publishing Corporation, Tampa, Florida, 2001

-  "The superficial distinctions of Fascism, Bolshevism, Hitlerism, are the concern of journalists and publicists; the serious student sees in them only the one root-idea of a complete conversion of social power into State power." (p. 35)

 

[1948]  George Orwell,  Nineteen Eighty-Four, Penguin, Harmondsworth, 1999

-  "The sacred principles of Ingsoc. Newspeak, doublethink, the mutability of the past." (p. 28)

-  "Winston sank his arms to his side and slowly refilled his lungs with air. His mind slid away into the labyrinthine world of doublethink. To know and not to know, to be conscious of complete truthfulness while telling carefully-constructed lies, to hold simultaneously two opinions which cancelled out, knowing them to be contradictory and believing in both of them; to use logic against logic, to repudiate morality while laying claim to it, to believe that democracy was impossible and that the Party was the guardian of democracy; to forget whatever it was necessary to forget, then to draw it back into memory again at the moment when it was needed, and then promptly to forget it again: and above all, to apply the same process to the process itself. That was the ultimate subtlety: consciously to induce unconsciousness, and then, once again, to become unconscious of the act of hypnosis you had just performed. Even to understand the world 'doublethink' involved the use of doublethink." (pp. 37-38)

 

[1975]  André Glucksmann,  La cuisinière et le mangeur d'hommes. Essai sur l'État, le marxisme, le camps de concentration, Seuil, Paris, 1975

-  "L'État soviétique ... poursuit l'entreprise tsariste d'occidentalisation du peuple russe, à marche forcée, par le fer et par le sang. Dans les plis du drapeau de la pensée de Mao-Tsé-toung peut s'abriter celle de Confucius, la volonté de discipliner la plèbe sous la férule du mandarin impérial, remarquent les Chinois. Derrière la dénonciation par le PCF de la folie 'petite bourgeoise' des mouvements de libération breton et occitan, il n'est nul besoin d'être grand clerc pour reconnaître ce culte de l'État fort que les Jacobins ont repris des monarques. C'est toute une culture qui se dévoile ainsi comme 'horizon indépassable' du marxisme, et chaque fois, cette culture se révèle celle, centenaire ou millénaire, d'une élite qui monopolise la parole et d'un État qui s'arroge le monopole de la violence." (p. 65)

-  "En 1943, une sténo-dactylo allemande fut envoyée dans les camps pour avoir chanté ainsi la grandeur universelle de Hitler :
  Celui qui gouverne à la russe
  Qui se coiffe à la française
  Qui porte moustache à l'anglaise
  Qui nous apprend le salut romaine." (p. 74)

 

[1999]  Martin van Creveld,  The Rise and Decline of the State, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge

-  "During the fifty years leading up to the French Revolution the belief spread that the units in which humanity lived ought to be states - and, increasingly, that people who did not live in states, as was the case outside Europe, belonged to inferior 'tribal' civilizations and were scarcely human." (p. 185)
-  "In day-to-day life, the question whether one was a citizen of this state or that became one of the most important aspects of any individual's existence besides the biological facts of race, age, and sex." (p. 185)
-  "In the words of the US citizenship oath, those belonging to one state had to abjure all loyalty to foreign rulers, princes, or potentates." (p. 185)
-  "The time was even to come when not to be accepted as a citizen by one state or another turned into one of the worst of all possible fates. Such people were literally deprived of the right to live; always subject to deportation, sometimes shuttled from one country to another, or concentrated in refugee camps, or left to starve in no man's land." (pp. 185-186)

-  "Citizens were supposed to address each other in the state-approved way and sign their letters in state-approved words; those who still tried to express any kind of opinion except for the officially approved ones were likely to land in a state-run concentration camp. As Mussolini was to put in his article on 'Fascismo' in the 1935 edition of the Enciclopedia Italiana (itself, of course, an étatist design) - 'everything inside the state, everything for the state, nothing against the state'." (p. 204)

-  "To make sure that the daily grind would in fact be under its own control and, as far as possible, subservient to it was the goal of every post-1789 state both in Europe and, increasingly, overseas, the most important means for the purpose being the police and prison apparatus, the education system, and the welfare services." (p. 206)