[1938]  Ignazio Silone,  La scuola dei dittatori, Mondadori, Milano, 2001

-  "Uno dei personaggi più importanti della nostra industria zuccheriera ha recentemente dichiarato, nel corso d'un processo a Washington, che la sua società sosteneva in ogni stato il partito di maggioranza, qualunque fosse. Gli fu contestato: E in caso d'incertezza? In quei casi, rispose, finanziamo i due partiti." (p. 145)

-  "Dal tempo di Andrew Jackson, lo spoilssystem è una regola della nostra vita pubblica. Al vincitore il bottino. Malgrado la limitazione introdotta nel 1881 col Civil Service Act, i posti meglio retribuiti specialmente quelli dei dipartimenti delle Finanze e delle Poste, forniscono ancora un'ottima preda agli accoliti del vincitore. Senza contare le prebende delle amministrazioni municipali." (p. 165)


[1911]  Roberto Michels,  La sociologia del partito politico nella democrazia moderna [Zur Soziologie des Parteiwesens in der modernen Demokratie], seconda edizione riveduta e accresciuta 1925, il Mulino, Bologna, 1966

-  "Al partito politico, in specie - benché sorto per la tutela di interessi particolari - piace identificarsi con l'universo intero o quanto meno con la totalità dei concittadini, presentarsi in nome di tutti, dichiarare la propria guerra in nome di tutti e per il bene di tutti. Solo i portavoce del partito socialista talvolta annunziano esplicitamente che il loro è un partito di classe. Ma essi poi svuotano il senso di questa affermazione quando aggiungono che gli interessi del loro partito coincidono, in definitiva, con quelli di tutto il popolo." (p. 47)

-  "Partito significa separazione, distinzione; pars non totum. Il concetto di partito implica quello di limitazione." (p. 49)


[1935]  Albert Jay Nock,  Our Enemy, the State, Hallberg Publishing Corporation, Tampa, Florida, 2001

-  "The stated issues between parties become progressively trivial; and both are more and more openly kept up with no other object than to cover from scrutiny the essential identity of purpose in both parties." (p. 127)


[1945]  Bertrand de Jouvenel, On Power : its nature and the history of its growth (Du pouvoir : histoire naturelle de sa croissance), Liberty Press, Indianapolis, 1993

-  "... when, as happens in democracies, the representative assembly becomes the repository of Power, the appetite for command impels the member to group themselves in permanent factions, thereby sacrificing something of their own personalities to the effective cohesion of the group in quest for victory.
The forthcoming elections are then no longer regarded as held with the object of bringing to the assembly an accession of fresh talent but rather of strengthening or weakening the various groups to which all belong." (p. 298)

-  "When the Reform Act of 1832 had widened the franchise, the chief preoccupation of the two English parties was to get put on the register the electors whose support each believed itself to have won, and to fetch them in carriages on polling day, for fear that otherwise they would omit to record their vote. The spectacle was not so much that of people proudly exercising their rights as citizens, as of two factions touting in every way open to them for the vote which could confer Power." (p. 299)

-  "Stupid slogans, which come trippingly to the tongue and are a pleasure to repeat, songs which exalt the 'comrades' and ridicule the 'enemy', these are the stuff of politics. Mix with it a little doctrine, but only a very little, and reduce it to the simplest propositions." (p. 300)

-  "The faculty of reason may lie relatively unused in the majority of a people, but there is not a man anywhere who is incapable of emotion. And it is to the emotions, therefore, that appeal must be made. Rouse in your behalf trust, hope, and affection; rouse against your rival indignation, anger, and hatred - and success is yours." (p. 302)


[1980]  Alvin Toffler,  The Third Wave, Pan Books, London, 1981

-  "... we find two political wars raging around us simultaneously. At one level, we see a political-as-usual clash of Second Wave groups battling each other for immediate gain. At a deeper level, however, these traditional Second Wave groups cooperate to oppose the new political forces of the Third Wave.
This analysis explains why our existing political parties, as obsolete in structure as in ideology, seem so much like blurry mirror images of one another. Democrats and Republicans, as well as Tories and Labourites, Christian Democrats and Gaullists, Liberals and Socialists, Communists and Conservatives, are all - despite their differences - parties of the Second Wave. All of them, while jockeying for power within it, are basically committed to preserving the dying industrial order." (pp. 446-447)

-  "Put differently, the most important political development of our time is the emergence in our midst of two basic camps, one committed to Second Wave civilization, the other to Third. One is tenaciously dedicated to preserving the core institutions of industrial mass society - the nuclear family, the mass education system, the giant corporation, the mass trade union, the centralized nation-state, and the politics of pseudorepresentative government. The other recognizes that today's most urgent problems, from energy, war, and poverty to ecological degradation and the breakdown of familial relationships, can no longer be solved within the framework of an industrial civilization." (p. 447)