[1938]  Ignazio Silone,  La scuola dei dittatori, Mondadori, Milano, 2001

-  "In Germania tra il 1930 e il 1933, vi sono stati interi gruppi dell'organizzazione militare comunista che sono passati, come si dice, con armi e bagagli nei S.A."
"... interi e numerosi reparti dell'organizzazione militare comunista passarono al nazionalsocialismo, aggiungendo presto nuovi allori agli antichi, con la pratica degli assalti 'spontanei' alle sedi e assemblee del loro ex-partito. Fu una vera sorpresa per i berlinesi di vedere un giorno le caratteristiche 'Schalmeinkapellen' dei comunisti sfilare per le strade in uniforme bruna. Nella Germania del Nord era difficile trovare un membro dei S.A. che non provenisse dalle file del partito comunista." (pp. 134-136)

-  "La tattica ulteriore di questo partito doveva però offrire nuove facilitazioni al nazionalsocialismo per il reclutamento di elementi proletari. La nuova parola d'ordine suggerita da Mosca era: "Lottate contro il socialfascismo" (con questo termine erano designati la socialdemocrazia e il sindacalismo riformista). "Prima bisogna abbattere la socialdemocrazia, poi il fascismo." Il partito comunista tentò di arginare la penetrazione del nazionalsocialismo nelle file operaie, rivalizzando con esso in demagogia patriottica, reclamando la soppressione del trattato di Versaglia e la non applicazione del piano Young, e, in più, ciò che Hitler non poteva permettersi, lo sgombero del Tirolo del Sud da parte dell'invasore italiano. Né mancarono occasioni perché la coincidenza delle formule politiche li conducesse a fraternizzare in comuni azioni pratiche. Questo avvenne nel plebiscito contro il governo socialdemocratico di Prussia, che fu, in origine, un'iniziativa nazionalsocialista e che i comunisti tedeschi dapprima avversarono e qualificarono come demagogica, e poi, per ordine di Mosca, sostennero, giustificando quel modo di procedere col principio che, per arrivare a battere il fascismo, bisognasse anzitutto passare suI cadavere putrefatto della democrazia. In quell'occasione fu dato di vedere gruppi comunisti costituire, assieme ai S.A., dei bene affiatati "cori parlati", che nei cortili delle grandi case operaie e per strada invitavano gli elettori a votare contro il governo socialdemocratico. Una nuova occasione per fraternizzare comunisti e nazisti ebbero a Berlino nel 1932, durante il grande sciopero dei trasporti cui parteciparono attivamente nazionalsocialisti e comunisti. Dopo quegli episodi i S.A. ebbero libera circolazione nei quartieri proletari e sembrò colmato l'abisso che nei primi tempi aveva separato, come due forze inconciliabili, il proletariato e il nazionalsocialismo." (p. 136)


[1938]  George Orwell,  Homage to Catalonia, with Looking back on the Spanish War, Penguin, Harmondwsorth, 1983

-  "The thing for which the Communists were working was not to postpone the Spanish revolution till a more suitable time, but to make sure that it never happened." (p. 348)

-  "With the fall of the Caballero Government the Communists had come definitely into power, the charge of internal order had been handed over to Communist ministers, and no none doubted that they would smash their political rivals as soon as they got a quarter of a chance." (p. 442)

-  "I saw history being written not in terms of what happened but of what ought to have happened according to various 'party lines'. It concerned ... the struggle for power between the Comintern and the Spanish left-wing parties, and the efforts of the Russian Government to prevent revolution in Spain." (p. 478)

-  "One feature of the Nazi conquest of France was the astonishing defections among the intelligentsia, including some of the left-wing political intelligentsia." (p. 482)


[1941]  Erich Fromm,  Escape from Freedom (published in 1942 in England as : Fear of Freedom), Routledge, London, 1960

-  "Goebbels gives a definition of what he calls socialism : 'To be a socialist - he writes - is to submit the I to the thou; socialism is sacrificing the individual to the whole." (p. 201)

-  "Many of the adherents of the leftist parties, although they believed in their party programmes as long as the parties had authority, were ready to resign when the hour of crisis arrived. A close analysis of the character structure of German workers can show one reason - certainly not the only one - for this phenomenon. A great number of them were of a personality type that has many of the traits of what we have described as the authoritarian character." (p. 241)


[1944]  F. A. Hayek,  The Road to Serfdom, Routledge & Kegan Paul, London, 1986

-  "Few are ready to recognise that the rise of Fascism and Nazism was not a reaction against the socialist trends of the preceding period, but a necessary outcome of those tendencies. This is a truth which most people were unwilling to see even when the similarities of many of the repellent features of the internal regimes in communist Russia and national-socialist Germany were widely recognised." (p. 3)

-  "... the conflict in existence between the National-Socialist "Right" and the "Left" in Germany is the kind of conflict that will always arise between rival socialist factions." (p. 6)

-  "Everybody who has watched the growth of these movements in Italy or Germany has been struck by the number of leading men, from Mussolini downwards (and not excluding Laval and Quisling), who began as socialists and ended as Fascists or Nazis. And what is true of the leaders is even more true of the rank and file of the movement. The relative ease with which a young communist could be converted into a Nazi or vice versa was generally known in Germany, best of all to the propagandists of the two parties." (pp. 21-22)

-  "It is true, of course, that in Germany before 1933 and in Italy before 1922, communists and Nazis or Fascists clashed more frequently with each other than with other parties. They competed for the support of the same type of mind and reserved for each other the hatred of the heretic." (p. 22)

-  "There is a great deal of truth in the often heard statement that Fascism and National Socialism are a sort of middle-class socialism - only that in Italy and Germany the supporters of these new movements were economically hardly a middle class any longer. It was to a large extent a revolt of a new under-privileged class against the labour aristocracy which the industrial labour movement had created." "Nor can there be much doubt that in terms of money income the average member of the rank and file of the Nazi movement in its early years was poorer than the average trade unionist or member of the older socialist party." (p. 87)


 [1950]  Louis Fisher in, VV. AA.,  The God that failed, six studies in communism, Hamish Hamilton, London, 1950

-  "Doriot, a French Communist leader, member of the Third International's ruling executive committee, became a Fascist and crusaded fiercely against Communism. Laval, former Communist, former French Premier, was later pro-Nazi and reactionary. Similarly, since the war, many Italian, Rumanian, Hungarian and Polish Fascists and German Nazis, many thousands of them, have joined the nationalistic, totalitarian Communist Party of their country. Totalitarians of all feathers understand one another." (p. 225)

 [1957]  Milovan Djilas, The New Class, An analysis of the communist system, Thames and Hudson, London, 1958

-  "Persecutions, prohibitions, the imposition of forms and ideas, humiliations, and insults; the doctrinaire authority of semi-literate bureaucrats over geniuses; all this is done in the name of the people and for the people. Communist 'Socialist Realism' is not different even in terminology from Hitler's National Socialism." "Despotism, even when they are opposing ones, justify themselves in the same way; they cannot even avoid the use of the same words in doing so."  (pp. 141-142)

 [1975]  André Glucksmann,  La cuisinière et le mangeur d'hommes. Essai sur l'État, le marxisme, le camps de concentration, Seuil, Paris, 1975

-  "Hitler fait très tôt du Juif le bouc émissaire à vocation spéciale : il doit focaliser la colère anti-capitaliste des masses allemandes dont Hitler prépare la capture. L'anti-marxisme d'Hitler prend le marxisme au sérieux; à la différence des 'lunatiques du populisme', il entend bien conquérir le prolétariat." (p. 70)